在古代世界，不同的社会都会把人和动物作为牺牲。在秘鲁的前西班牙时代，仆从和牺牲的动物随葬在坟墓中，来陪伴过世的重要人物；在纪念性建筑中将其作为奉献物埋葬；在主要的礼仪中心将其作为公共仪式牺牲。在万查基托拉遗址（也称为“ 格拉马罗特 A”）最近发掘的结果证明了公元1450年奇穆国有大量使用儿童和骆驼作为牺牲的行为。

在公元11-15世纪是奇穆国最强盛的时代，它统治者广阔的秘鲁海岸。在它最鼎盛的时期，它的疆域北至现在秘鲁和厄瓜多尔的边界的沿海山谷，南到秘鲁的首都利马的沿海山谷，覆盖了超过1000公里的秘鲁海岸线。在高效的官僚机构管理下的复杂的灌溉网络的精细化农业生产奠定了秘鲁的霸权。谷物和日常用品被运送到城市和省级行政中心的有组织的仓储设施中。

在这个时期之前的印加和一些社会会用儿童作为牺牲。尽管没有考古发现证明印加民族志记载的大量的印加儿童会在特殊的场合被当做牺牲，比如说印加统治者的死亡和加冕仪式上。但最近几十年来，在国际研究小组进行的发掘中在高山山顶发现了少数儿童被作为牺牲品。在发现万查基托拉遗址之前，很少有考古证据证明秘鲁北部海岸地区存在把儿童作为牺牲的现象。其民族志的资料仅限于西班牙男修道士安东尼奥·德拉·卡兰查的描述。他声称，在杰奎特佩克河谷月蚀期间奇穆国会用儿童、水果、玉米酒和染色棉布作为祭品。

在北部海岸的多个地点发现了殉葬墓、陪葬墓和作为牺牲的俘虏，以及把儿童、青少年和成人作为祭品，但是直到最近才知道，有一个可能的例子是把儿童和骆驼作为牺牲。1969年，考古学家克里斯托弗·唐南在海边小镇旺卡科发掘中发现了十七名儿童和二十只骆驼的遗骸，这些遗骸被埋葬在没有任何随葬品的普通的坑中。尽管没有进行人骨学分析来确定可能的死亡原因，但根据其考古背景、人口统计资料和异常的墓葬方式，唐南认为，这些遗憾可能是牺牲。碳14测定这个坑的年代在公元1400年左右，即奇穆国统治北海岸的时期。

骆驼是前西班牙前时期安第斯中部地区作为牺牲的主要动物。尽管早在前陶器时代晚期（公元前1800年）科托什的十字手神庙中就发现了一些骆驼作为仪式性物品，但直到过渡时期早期（公元100-600年），骆驼的牺牲才急剧增加，特别是在秘鲁北部的摩切文化中。最常见的型式是将整个骆驼或身体部位（最好是头骨和腿的四肢）作为陪葬品。在坟墓中，他们既起到食品的作用，又具有象征意义。在奇穆国占领摩切谷的期间，完整的骆驼单独或与人类一起被放在瓦卡德月梁和成粲地区的坟墓和存储设施中。但是，唐南和富特在二十世纪六十年代后期和现在的发现中证实，尚恰科地区是把儿童和骆驼作为牺牲的重要地区。

万查基托拉遗址祭祀场所

万查基托拉遗址祭祀场所距海岸线350米处，海拔高度约为11米，是一片覆盖在海洋阶地的风沙作用的沉积层。该遗址南界被现代建筑限定，北界被建筑垃圾限定。在二十世纪九十年代后期，该地区的西部在修建公路时被大型机械破坏。可以假设，由于建筑活动，遗址边缘不可计数的物质文化的丧葬材料已经丢失。

在2011-2016年，我们获得了资金，用于进一步发掘和对人类和骆驼的骨骼进行详细分析。最终发掘出137名儿童和205只骆驼的遗骸。如果我们计算此地由于最近的人类活动所扰动区域中发现的残缺不全的遗骸，则总数量会更高。对该区域的完全的发掘表明，儿童和骆驼被埋葬在约700平方米（N-S轴50米和E-W轴14米）的区域中。该遗址的南部、北部和西部边缘受到现代建筑的影响严重，严重破坏了人类和动物的生存环境。然而，我们的发掘证实，大部分牺牲（包括人类和动物）都集中在该地点的中央。

我们分析表明，人类和骆驼是按照严格的顺序埋葬的，大多数儿童都面对着西方（大海），而骆驼则朝山。儿童通常以三人一组的形式被埋葬，并随着年龄的大小从最小到最大方式埋葬。一些孩子的脸上涂有朱砂颜料，其他孩子（主要是大一点的孩子）则戴着特别的棉质头饰。骆驼则被小心地放置在人体旁边或上方。在许多情况下，相反颜色（棕色和米色）的骆驼被埋在一起，并放置在不同的方向。

在四个已确定的墓葬群的东侧表面铺上干燥的泥土。明显可以看出，这种泥土最初覆盖了整个场地，但在为牺牲者开挖埋葬的墓穴和祭祀活动中大面积运输可能破坏了其中的部分。这是由于在干燥泥土表面不完整的区域中存在许多泥土碎片而引起的。只有少数孩子和骆驼被埋葬在该遗址的东部，这个区域的泥土保存的很好。在潮湿的泥土表面上保存完好的人类、骆驼和狗的脚印。某些脚印可辨别为成人鞋子的样子，而较小的脚印则是由赤脚走路的孩子留下的（没有发现牺牲者的鞋子）。骆驼脚印的大小和形状与年轻的骆驼蹄的大小非常吻合，表明这些动物是作为牺牲通过该地点的。

牺牲事件的共时性

发掘的目的之一是确定大规模集中的儿童和骆驼牺牲是单个事件还是一系列小的事件。地层分析表明，所有人类和动物都被埋在一层干净的沙子中。几乎所有遗骸都埋在相同的深度且彼此紧邻，没有发现埋葬坑互相打破的现象。只有两个位于该遗址北部区域的遗骸埋葬的明显较深。在潮湿的泥土中发现了人类和骆驼的脚印，表明受害者在他们最后被埋葬的地方附近走动过。以上数据以及我们对埋葬位置和空间聚类的观察表明：a）儿童和骆驼科动物是在该地点被处死的（而不是从其他地方带走他们的尸体），b）人和动物尸体的最终处置或许遵循了由奇穆牧师和官员计划和组织的一致的牺牲仪式。

两个独立的实验室进行了20次AMS放射性碳测定。样品取材于不同的发掘区，所有样品均来自于生命史较短的植物遗骸（骆驼身上的莎草绳和儿童墓葬围带上的棉线）。测定的结果校正后年代在公元1400-1450年之间。使用一个或两个西格玛校准，可以将牺牲事件的日期相对准确地定为奇穆晚期。地层学的证据表明，牺牲仪式是在一场大雨/洪水事件之后做出的，其导致了纯净的沙层上沉积了一层泥土，儿童和骆驼被埋在其中。泥土似乎是在一次重大降雨事件（或一系列事件）中沉积成薄薄的一层。这可能与厄尔尼诺–南方涛动现象或类似的气候变化有关（例如，“厄尔尼诺·科斯特罗” ），其会周期性地带来沿海洪水和海温升高，从而破坏秘鲁北部和中部的海洋食物链。可能是为了回应大雨而举行牺牲的仪式，在泥土层中挖出了墓穴，在少数情况下，一些孩子和骆驼被留在了湿泥土上。

儿童牺牲的人骨学分析

除三具成人墓葬（两名女性和一名男性）外，所有人类骨骼遗骸均为儿童，年龄大约为5至14岁，其中大部分为8至12岁。

古DNA初步分析

某些个体的短发特征和缠腰布的残留物暗示其是男性，但这个年龄段的骨骼形态是无法区分男性和女性。但是，使用DNA染色体分析仪对牙齿样品进行的初步分析表明，这些样品中同时存在男孩和女孩。我们通过使用多重单碱基延伸PCR测定法确定他们的线粒体单倍体来自于美洲原住民。目前这些样品正在进行全基因组测序分析，以探讨这些作为牺牲个体的群体遗传亲缘关系。

颅骨整形的变异性

颅骨整形的变异性表明，埋在万查基托拉遗址的孩子是异质样本，可能来自不同的社群和地区。在130例颅骨的检测中，有85％（111/130）的颅骨没有整形。出人意料的是，只有8％（11/130）的颅骨显示出秘鲁北海岸史前人口典型的枕骨扁平化形式，这种整形被认为是儿童在婴儿期进行的。奇怪的是，有八颗颅骨（6％）采用一种独特的颅骨整形形式，即所谓的环形整形。在秘鲁北海岸没有这种整形方式，但是在北部高地的某些地区发现有环形整形颅骨的方式，例如在现代的安卡什省。这表明这些儿童的成长的地区不同，大多数没有颅骨整形的儿童及奇穆和其他北部沿海地区典型的枕骨扁平化的人群。

碳氮稳定同位素分析

来自38个个体的牙齿样本中碳氮稳定同位素分析表明这些个体饮食来源存在很大差异。 万查基托拉数据显示13C / 12C和15N / 14N数值范围比较大，表明由于不了解万查基托拉儿童的原居地和生活史，因此其饮食特征的多样性支持根据颅骨整形推断他们可能是来自不同的地区。

牺牲方法的人骨学证据

在实验室检测发现，几乎所有保存完整胸骨的儿童都有一个穿过其胸骨（未闭合的胸骨）的单个横向切口。这个切口在位置、角度和方向上都是一致的，而模糊的或“假起点”的切口很少发现，这表明是经验丰富的人制造了这个切口。正如在骆驼上所看到的那样，大约10％的个体在第三或第四肋骨的外表面上也显示出切割痕迹。许多孩子的肋骨明显可见散开和移位，表明其胸部被强行打开过。万查基托拉儿童胸骨切口的横向方向不同于古代秘鲁的其他牺牲者。通过胸骨横切术进入心脏是现代胸外科医师所熟悉的技术，并且以各种名称而闻名。在万查基托拉只能假设这种切口的动机是为了摘心。

研究骆驼遗迹

尽管由于后期沉积物的扰动，并不是所有骆驼的遗骸都是完整的，但保存较好的个体，可以研究易腐烂的物质，例如毛，胃内包裹物，莎草绳和粘在毛上的植物，这些都是通常在考古环境中无法观察到的。所有的骆驼都没有成年，不到一岁半，75％估计不到9个月大。年轻的个体比例很高，缺乏成年个体表明这些动物是按年龄选择的。儿童的年龄和骆驼的年龄之间存在明显的相似之处。可以观察到各种皮毛颜色，包括米色、浅棕色、深棕色和混合色（例如棕毛中带有米色点）。最常见的颜色是棕色；最少见的是米色。棕色和混合色为主流及动物的年龄似乎是选择牺牲动物的主要标准。

讨论

在旧世界，鲜有令人信服的儿童作为牺牲的实例，在多数情况下，由于缺乏死亡原因的人骨学证据，人们对于是否是故意杀人存在着很大的争议。但对于万查基托拉遗址而言是没有任何争议的。骨骼证据清楚地表明，孩子和骆驼是通过切开胸腔而被处死的。没有其他任何致儿童或骆驼死亡（在死亡时或死亡时发生）的创伤，这表明整个祭祀中的行为是一致的。

在儿童中观察到的颅骨整形形式的变化以及广泛的碳、氮同位素比值表明，他们可能来源于不同地区或种族群体，而不是来自于单个本地人群。在埋有儿童和骆驼的沙层上覆盖着一层厚厚的泥浆，及在泥浆仍湿润时人和动物在上面活动足迹表明祭祀行为是在暴雨和洪水后不久发生的。在一个干旱地区，通常条件下降雨量可忽略不计。虽然大雨与祭祀之间的关系可能是偶然的，但很容易假设这两个事件是相关的。可能的推测是，大量提供儿童和骆驼作为牺牲是试图安抚神灵并减轻发生在公元1400-1450年的厄尔尼诺灾祸的影响。

Human and animal sacrifices were made by various societies in the ancient world. In Prehispanic Peru, retainers and sacrificed animals were placed in tombs to accompany important persons in the afterlife, buried as dedicatory offerings in monumental architecture, and sacrificed in public rituals at major ceremonial centers. The results of recent excavations at the Huanchaquito-Las Llamas site (also known as “Gramalote A”) provide evidence of a massive sacrifice of children and camelids by the Chimú State, c. AD 1450.

The Chimú state flourished between the 11th and 15th centuries AD, dominating a broad expanse of the Peruvian coast. At its apogee, it controlled coastal valleys as far north as the present-day border of Peru and Ecuador and to the south as far as the present day Peruvian capital of Lima, encompassing more than 1000 kilometers of the Peruvian coastline. Chimú hegemony was supported by intensive agriculture, with fields fed by a sophisticated web of hydraulic canals managed by an efficient bureaucracy.  Crops and sumptuary goods were transported to well-organized storage facilities in cities and provincial administrative centers.

Sacrifices of children are known to have been made by the Inca and by some societies that came before them.  Although no archaeological evidence has been found to confirm ethnohistoric accounts claiming that large numbers of children were sacrificed by the Inca on particular occasions, such as the death or coronation of an Inca ruler, a small number of child sacrifices have been recovered on high mountaintops in recent decades in excavations conducted by international research teams. Until the Huanchaquito-Las Llamas discovery there was very little archaeological evidence of human sacrifices on the north coast of Peru that focused exclusively on children. Ethnohistoric sources likewise are limited to an account by the Spanish Friar Antonio de la Calancha, who claimed that child sacrifices were made by the Chimú in the Jequetepeque river valley during lunar eclipses, along with offerings of fruits, maize beer and colored cottons.

Archaeological discoveries of retainer and dedicatory burials and sacrificed captives have been made at multiple sites on the north coast, as well as sacrificial offerings that include a mix of children, adolescents, and adults, but until recently only one possible example a sacrifice containing only children and camelids was known. In 1969, excavations in the seaside town of Huanchaco by archaeologist Christopher Donnan encountered the remains of seventeen children and twenty camelids buried together in simple pits without funerary offerings. Although osteological analysis was not done to determine possible cause of death, on the basis of their archaeological context, demographic profile, and atypical burial pattern, Donnan concluded that the burials probably were sacrificial offerings.  A radiocarbon date placed the event at circa AD 1400, during the Chimú domination of the North Coast.

Camelids were the principal animals used for sacrifices in the Central Andean region during Prehispanic times. Although some ritual deposits of camelids are known from as early as the Late Preceramic (prior to 1800 BC) at the Temple of Crossed Hands at Kotosh, the sacrifice of camelids dramatically increased during the Early Intermediate Period (c. 100-600 AD), particularly in the Moche culture of northern Peru. The most common pattern is the inclusion of whole camelids or body parts (preferentially skull and leg extremities) as funerary offerings. In tombs, they played both alimentary and symbolic functions. During the Chimú occupation of the Moche Valley, complete camelids were deposited alone or together with humans in tombs and in storage facilities at the Huaca de la Luna and at Chan Chan.  However, the early discovery by Donnan and Foote in the late 1960’s and the present case described here suggest that Huanchaco served as a particular focus of child and camelid sacrificial offerings.

The Huanchaquito-Las Llamas Sacrificial Site

Located 350 meters from the shoreline, is a deposit of windblown beach sand covering the lower flank of marine terrace that reaches a height of approximately eleven meters above sea level. The site is delimited on the south by modern construction and to the north by an area used as a disposal area for construction debris and refuse. In the late 1990s, the western portion of the site was cut through by heavy machinery during construction of a road.  It can be assumed that a substantial, but unknown quantity of cultural materials buried along the margins of the site have been lost because of construction activity.

Between 2011 and 2016 funding was obtained to conduct further excavation at the site and to perform a detailed analysis of the human and camelids skeletons. Excavations resulting in a final count of 137 children and 205 camelids. The total estimated number of individuals is higher if we count incomplete remains recovered from areas disturbed by recent human activity at the site. Complete excavation of the site indicates that the children and camelids were buried in an area of approximately 700 square meters (50 meters N-S axis and 14 meters E-W axis). The southern, northern and western edges of the site have been severely impacted by modern construction, destroying the human and animal contexts. Nevertheless, our excavations confirmed that the bulk of the sacrificial victims (both human and animal) were concentrated in the central portion of the site.

Analysis suggests that humans and camelids were buried following a strict order in which most of the children faced to the west (the sea) and camelids toward the mountains. Children often were buried in groups of three and placed by increasing age from youngest to oldest.  Some children’s faces were painted with a red cinnabar-based pigment, and others (primarily older children) wore distinctive cotton headdresses. Camelids were carefully accommodated next to or on top of the human bodies.  In many cases camelids of contrasting colors (brown and beige) were buried together, placed in different orientations.

Along the east side of the four identified burial clusters lay a dried mud surface. It appears that this deposit of mud originally covered the entire site, but the excavation of burial pits for the sacrificial victims and the apparent heavy transit during the sacrificial event may have destroyed portions of it.  This was suggested by the presence of numerous fragments of dried mud in areas where the surface was not intact.  Only a few children and camelids were buried on the eastern portion of the site, and in this area the mud was well preserved.  Well-preserved human, camelid and dog foot prints were made on this mud surface while it was still wet. Some of the human footprints are identifiable as impressions of adult sandals while smaller footprints were made by children who walked barefoot (no sandals were found with the sacrificial victims). The size and shape of the camelid footprints match well with the estimated size of a young camelid hoof, suggesting that the animals who marked their transit through the site were sacrificial victims.

Contemporaneity of the Sacrificial Event

One of the objectives of the excavations was to determine whether this massive concentration of sacrificed children and camelids represents a single event or a series of smaller events. Stratigraphic analysis indicates that all the humans and animals were buried in the same layer of clean sand. Almost all bodies were buried at the same depth and in close proximity to one another, and no examples were found of burial pits that cut into others. Only two bodies located on the northern sector of the site were found at a significantly greater depth. The discovery of human and camelid foot prints made in wet mud suggest that the victims circulated near the area where they were finally buried. These data, along with our observations on burial position and spatial clustering suggest that a) the children and the camelids were sacrificed at this location (rather than their bodies being brought from elsewhere) and that b) the final disposition of the human and animal bodies followed a consistent sacrificial program planned and organized, perhaps, by Chimú priests and officials.

Twenty AMS radiocarbon determinations were made by two independent laboratories. The samples were drawn from different sectors of the excavations, and all are based on short-lived plant remains (sedge ropes associated with the camelids and cotton threads from children’s burial shrouds). The results cluster around CAL AD 1400-1450. Using one or two sigma calibrations, the results indicate that the sacrificial event can be dated relatively precisely to this range of dates, placing it in the late Chimú period. Stratigraphic evidence suggests that the sacrifice was made following a heavy rain/flood event that deposited a layer of mud on top of the clean sand in which the children and camelids were buried. The mud appears to have been deposited as sheet wash during a major rainfall event (or series of events), and is probably associated with the El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) phenomenon or a similar climate alteration (“El Niño Costero” for instance) that periodically brings coastal flooding and elevated sea temperatures that disrupt the marine food chain in northern and central Peru. It is possible that the sacrifices were made in response to the heavy rains, as burial pits were dug through the mud layer and in a few cases some children and camelids were left on top of the wet mud.

Osteological Analysis of the Sacrificed Children

Except for three adult burials (two females and one male), all the human skeletal remains were of children, ranging in age from approximately five to fourteen years, with the majority falling in the range of eight to twelve years of age.

aDNA Preliminary Analysis

Short hair and remains of loincloths worn by some individuals are suggestive of male sex, but skeletal morphology cannot distinguish males and females at this young age. However, preliminary analysis of dental samples using gonosomalDNA markers indicates that both boys and girls are present in the sample. We confirmed the Native American ancestry of the individuals by determining their mitochondrial haplogroups using a multiplex single-base extension PCR assay. Genome-wide sequencing analyses are currently in progress in order to explore the population genetic affinities of the sacrificed individuals.

Variability in Cranial Modification

Variation in styles of cranial modification indicates that the children buried at Huanchaquito Las Llamas are a heterogeneous sample, perhaps drawn from distinct social groups and geographic regions.  Of 130 crania complete enough to be evaluated, 85% (111/130) show no cranial modification.  Surprisingly, only 8% (11/130) show the form of occipital flattening typical of prehistoric populations of the north coast of Peru, considered to be the product of cradle boarding in infancy.  Of particular interest are eight crania (6%) that show a distinct form of cranial modification of the type known as annular. Annular deformation was not practiced on the north coast of Peru, but it is found in some areas of the northern highlands, such as in the modern Department of Ancash, suggesting that these children may have geographic origins distinct from the majority who show no cranial shaping and from those with occipital flattening typical of the Chimú and other northern coastal populations.

Carbon and Nitrogen Stable Isotope Analysis

Stable isotopic ratios of carbon and nitrogen from tooth samples from 38 individuals suggest substantial variability in dietary sources. The Huanchaquito data show substantially wider range of both 13C/12C and 15N/14N ratios, suggesting that since the residential and life history of the Huanchaquito children is unknown, the variability in their dietary signatures supports the inference from cranial modification that they may have been drawn from diverse geographic regions.

Osteological Evidence of Sacrificial Method

Laboratory examination revealed that nearly all children with complete sternal elements showed a single transverse cut through one of the sternebrae (unfused sternal elements). The cuts are consistent in location, angle and direction, and the rarity of hesitation cuts or “false starts” suggests that an experienced hand made them. Approximately 10% also showed cut marks on the external surface of the third or fourth rib, as was seen in the camelids as well. Many of children had visible spreading and displacement of the ribs, indicating that the chest was opened forcefully.

The transverse orientation of the cuts of the sterna of the Huanchaquito children are unlike those seen in any other sacrificial victims from ancient Peru. Accessing the heart by transverse sectioning of the sternum is a technique familiar to modern thoracic surgeons, and is known by various names.  At Huanchaquito Las Llamas the reasons for this type of cut can only be hypothesized, but heart removal is a likely motivation.

Study of Camelid Remains

Although not all camelid remains were complete due to post-depositional disturbance, the overall preservation was excellent and allowed the study of perishable materials such as wool, stomach contents, sedge ropes, and plant remains caught in the animals’ hair, observations that are not normally observable in archaeological contexts. All the camelids were immature, less than a year and a half old, with 75% estimated to be less than 9 months of age. The very high proportion of very young individuals and the lack of adults indicate that these animals were age selected. There is a clear parallel between the young ages of the children and the camelids.

A variety of coat colors was observed, including beige, light brown, dark brown and mixed colors such as a brown background with beige dots. The most frequently observed color was brown; the least common was beige. The predominance of brown and mixed color, along with the young age of the animals, appear to have been principal criteria in the selection of animals for sacrifice.

Discussion

Relatively few convincing examples of child sacrifice are known from the Old World, and in most cases, there is debate over whether these in fact can be identified as intentional killing, given a lack of osteological evidence of cause of death. In the case of Huanchaquito Las Llamas, there is no such ambiguity. Skeletal evidence clearly indicates that the children and camelids were sacrificed by cutting open the thoracic cavity. No other evidence of perimortem (occurring at or around the time of death) trauma was observed in any of the children or camelids, indicating that the sacrificial program was a consistent one.

Variation in forms of cranial deformation and the wide range of carbon and nitrogen isotopic ratios observed in the children suggest that they are a heterogeneous sample, perhaps composed of individuals selected from various geographic or ethnic groups, rather than from a single local population. The presence of a thick layer of mud on top of the sand in which the children and camelids were buried, as well as the presence of human and animal footprints made while the mud was still wet, suggest that the sacrificial event occurred shortly after heavy rainfall and flooding, in an arid region that receives negligible rainfall under normal conditions.  While the correlation between heavy rains and the sacrifice may be coincidental, it is tempting to hypothesize that the two events are associated, and that the mass offering of children and camelids may have been an attempt to appease the gods and mitigate the effects of a major ENSO event that occurred around 1400-1450 A.D.

Biographic Sketch

Gabriel Prieto obtained his PhD Degree at Yale University in 2015 and currently is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Anthropology at the University of Florida. Since 2010 Prieto has been working in the North Coast of Peru, specifically in Huanchaco where he has excavated more than eight archaeological sites, one of which is the now-famous Huanchaquito Las Llamas mass sacrificial ground. Prieto has published numerous papers in peer-reviewed journals and in January 2020 he will publish as co-editor with Daniel Sandweiss the book “Maritime Communities of the Ancient Andes,” which compiles articles from different fishing settlements along the South American Pacific Coastline. Gabriel Prieto is also a National Geographic Explorer and has received multiple grants to conduct his research.

Feren Castillo obtained his Masters Degree at the University of Rennes in France. Since 2010 he has been working at the world-famous and also Shanghai Forum Award site of Huaca de la Luna, under the direction of Santiago Uceda. Since 2018 Castillo has jointed the Huanchaco Archaeological Program under the direction of Gabriel Prieto and is the Resident of this Project. He is also in charge of the Archaeology Laboratory of this research program which was recently awarded by the American Embassador’s Fund for the conservation and preservation of archaeological collections. Thanks to this award, this laboratory is today one of the most sophisticated in Peru and a long-term conservation program will guarantee the preservation of the outstanding textiles and feathered cloths found in Huanchaco. Feren Castillo is currently an Assistant Professor of archaeology at the National University of Trujillo.